Tag Archives: John Key

CTU will not engage in Governments sham consultation process on Terrorist Bill

24 Nov

Media release

CTU will not engage in Governments sham consultation process on Terrorist Bill

Today the CTU has sent a letter to Prime Minister John Key articulating serious concerns about both the content and the rushed process the Government has clearly signalled it intends to follow to progress the Countering Terrorist Fighters Legislation Bill into law and urging him to follow the proper process in considering this legislation.

“Rushing this legislation through is not appropriate or proper. We will not participate in a sham consultation process or take for ourselves the “luxury” of the chance to be heard at the select committee on the basis of some dubious selection criteria made by those to whom the Bill grants power while other legitimately interested citizens and groups are denied that opportunity,” CTU President, Helen Kelly said.

“There has been no evidence presented at all from the Prime Minister that such urgency is needed. Given the severe and unique nature of the powers being sought, quite the opposite is appropriate and a reasonable period of time should be made available for the public to have a say on this legislation,” Kelly said.

“The Bill provides authority for the SIS to trespass onto private property in order to conduct covert surveillance (such as installing video cameras and listening devices). These powers will compromise citizens’ right to avoid unreasonable search and seizure and to privacy. The Bill also extends the ability of the SIS to conduct warrantless surveillance for 48 hours in situations where it would be impracticable to get a warrant and it is believed that information may be lost. Warrantless surveillance as fundamentally irreconcilable with expectations of acceptable government behaviour in a free and open society. The only public accountability for the use of this power is that the SIS must note the number of times this power is used in their annual report,” Kelly said.

ENDS

View the letter here http://union.org.nz/news/2014/ctu-will-not-engage-governments-sham-consultation-process-terrorist-bill

For further comment, please contact:

Helen Kelly, President, CTU

021 776 741

Huia Welton | Communications & Campaigns Advisor | New Zealand Council of Trade Unions – Te Kauae Kaimahi

ph: +64 4 802 3817 | cell: +64 021 524 502 |

www.facebook.com/fairness.at.work | www.union.org.nz | Follow us on twitter: @fairnessNZ

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Rose-tinted view cruel fairy tales

5 Feb

By Matt McCarten

(Reprinted from the Herald on Sunday, Februiary 2, 2014)

Winz Office. Many unemployed not receiving unemployment benefit

This Government manipulates statistics to show how well the economy is doing and most of us swallow it.

The manufactured consent is the economy is booming and the number of unemployed is at record lows.

Here’s my unease with the unemployment success story. There isn’t a week I don’t meet jobless people who are seeking work yet receive no support from the state.

Many friends and extended family are hardworking people who tell me they don’t register with Work and Income NZ because they claim they are hounded by officious bureaucrats and made to feel like something icky on the aforementioned’s shoe.

The stories are too numerous to convince me there isn’t a calculated policy to make it humiliating for workers down on their luck to apply for assistance.

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Insult to send tour supporters

16 Dec

By Matt McCarten

(Reprinted from Herald on Sunday, 15 December 2013)

What an insult that John Key appointed Jim Bolger and Don McKinnon as part of a five-person New Zealand delegation to Nelson Mandela’s memorial services.

Both were members of a National government that supported apartheid and labelled Mandela a terrorist. They cynically used the Springbok rugby propaganda tour in 1981 to whip up the redneck base for electoral purposes. On the back of the carnage the tour caused, their party called a snap election and scraped home by one seat.

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Taxpayers foot bill for corporates

17 Sep

By Matt McCarten

Herald on Sunday, 15 September 2013

There’s a blind spot with John Key when it comes to giving taxpayers’ cash to corporate monopolies.

The “trickle-down” ideology once espoused by the far right – that if we made the wealthy even richer their good fortune would trickle down to the masses – has been thoroughly discredited.

But the Prime Minister has taken this nonsense to a new level – Key now trickles money upwards from the poor to the rich.

It’s unnerving that under Key there is a growing list of wealthy monopolies padding their profit margins, with this Government writing out cheques or passing favourable laws for them.

In other countries they call this corruption; our former financial trader calls it deal-making.

On Thursday, a broad coalition of business and community groups (including my union, Unite) launched a campaign against the Government’s stated intention to pass a law allowing Australian-owned company Chorus to be effectively subsided by New Zealanders.

Internet users will be required to pay $12 a month more for copper wires than recommended by the Commerce Commission. This apparently means $600 million will be transferred by internet users to a private business.

It seems Chorus’ profits of $171 million aren’t enough, and we need to shovel even more largesse their way. If that wasn’t enough of a gob-smacker, this week (in defiance of Treasury advice) Key authorised giving $30 million of taxpayers’ money directly to Rio Tinto, the foreign owners of the smelter at Tiwai Point.

At the same time, Government-owned Meridian Energy slashed its power prices to the plant.

The Government claimed it did this to save jobs. Has it suddenly become a market interventionist to subsidise favoured corporations to help job creation? Or is it about Rio Tinto pocketing a windfall from politicians desperate to preserve the sale price of Meridian Energy?

The smart operators at Rio Tinto saw how Sir Peter Jackson and his United States backers got Key to cough up millions of dollars for nothing and thought, why not us?

After the SkyCity deal, where Key gave a monopoly a guaranteed mechanism to make money, his motivation has become clear: these deals help advance the Government’s political agenda and a corporate is guaranteed a profit. The taxpayer foots the bill and the guy who put the deal together clips the ticket.

Something stinks of aluminium, copper and money. It’s a smell that shouldn’t be ignored.

Today, the Labour Party announces its new leader. The party and the three candidates have had a great campaign. Now that it’s over, the victor should ensure his two contesters are kept on the front bench so they can focus on Key and his Government. The leadership has always been Cunliffe’s to lose. But whether it’s Robertson or Cunliffe, they are both capable of holding Key to account. I’m looking forward to it.

(Matt McCarten is National Secretary of Unite Union. His weekly Herald on Sunday column are a commentary on social and political issues in New Zealand. The views expressed are his own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Unite Union.)

Kingmaker Jones stealing show

10 Sep

By Matt McCarten

Herald on Sunday 8 September 2013

I haven’t had a conversation in the past fortnight where the Labour Party leadership contest doesn’t come up. So I popped into the two Auckland Labour Party meetings last Sunday to hear David Cunliffe, Grant Robertson and Shane Jones woo the faithful.

A number of attendees congratulated me for seeing the light and re-joining the party. Alas, I had opportunistically passed myself off as official media to gain a box seat. I noticed my fellow non-Labour lefties, Willie Jackson and Chris Trotter, had pulled the same trick.

The leadership fight has been the injection that Labour has sorely needed. Jones is the surprise hit, giving the campaign a flair and wow factor that Labour hasn’t experienced since David Lange entered the political stage.

Despite some in the media fawning over Jones, he hasn’t got a bolter’s show of winning. Jones knows he’s third.

But then Jones was never in it to win the leadership. He entered the fray to restart his political career by creating a new public persona to wash away the embarrassment of his early mistakes. He is already exceeding everyone’s expectations.

Former Labour MP, Rick Barker, once said to me that Jones was the man to lead the party after Helen Clark. Shortly afterwards, Jones self-destructed and his reputation nose-dived.

In the past fortnight the country has seen a man we haven’t seen before. He’s reborn. He’s witty, clever and charismatic. The Jones boy is stealing the show.

At Sunday’s meetings, before 1000 party members, the three candidates were on fire. Any of them could singly match John Key. If the three of them can work as a team after the contest they will turn the tables on this government.

Cunliffe is Auckland’s favourite son and with home-crowd advantage went down well.

Robertson performed strongly and was warmly received. Jones spoke without notes, delighting the crowds.

Given the crowd reactions, Cunliffe had half of the audience in his column and Robertson had a solid quarter. The rest were behind Jones or undecided.

Cunliffe needed an overwhelming win in Auckland to create an inevitability that he had the contest locked up, thus swinging undecided members and MPs to his side.

Apparently, Cunliffe intended to deliver an early knockout blow and lock up the party’s union and left vote by declaring his support for a living wage. As the Herald on Sunday revealed, Robertson gazumped him by announcing his support for the unions’ living wage the day before.

So, although Cunliffe won Auckland it wasn’t enough to give him the unassailable headstart he wanted. It will now be a close race to the finish.

Here’s the state of play. Cunliffe has Auckland and Hamilton. Robertson will pick up Wellington, Dunedin and the provinces. Christchurch is a toss-up.

The party overall is likely to be evenly split. The unions were supposed to go to Cunliffe, but enough of their vote is shifting to Robertson to make their vote competitive. The caucus is still heavily weighted towards Robertson.

If the analysis is correct, none of the candidates are likely to get an outright majority.

So what happens then? Assuming Jones comes third; his supporters’ votes then go to either Cunliffe or Robertson. This makes Jones the kingmaker.

I may have to eat my words when I said earlier that Jones had no chance of becoming deputy leader. If his supporters determine the final winner any role he desires is his for the asking. Frankly, he’s earned it.

No matter what happens there will be two winners in this contest: the new party leader and Jones. The star of the Maori boy from the North is on the rise.

I spy cause for serious concern

18 Aug

By Matt McCarten

Herald on Sunday, August 18, 2013

The GCSB bill is due to be passed into law on Tuesday by a single vote.

The conventional wisdom is that opposition to the changes is a beltway issue, which means those in Parliament (and the press gallery) are the only ones who care about it.

After all, most people want the State to have the tools to protect its citizens from harm. That’s what John Key is hoping will carry that day.

But there’s something sinister about how our PM has managed changes he wants for spooks who spy on us. Here’s my unease:

1. Extending State spying powers has always been by political consensus. Labour’s David Shearer and NZ First’s Winston Peters have both said they were prepared to compromise. Their suggested amendments seemed reasonable. But Key is having none of it. Why?

2. The Law Society, the Privacy Commissioner, many respected jurists, and even a former GCSB boss oppose it publicly. When New Zealander of the Year Dame Anne Salmond says anyone who supports the bill has no right to turn up to Anzac events, then the penny must drop for mainstream Kiwis.

3. Key can now only get it through by Peter Dunne casting the determinative vote. The hypocrisy of Dunne supporting spies getting access to citizen’s emails, although he claimed personal privacy when refusing to give up his emails after he was accused of leaking classified documents, is contemptible. John Banks has already sold his party’s libertarian principles and supports the bill. Key now endorses the Act leader for Epsom at the next election. Join the grubby dots. No doubt Dunne will get endorsed for Ohariu once the vote goes through.

4. What happened to Kim Dotcom can happen to anyone. The raid on his house and the incompetence and covering up afterwards should be disturbing to every New Zealander. The bill gives more power. The GCSB spy system is linked into the US and UK spy network so foreign spooks will, in my view, be able to access our citizens’ information, too.

5. It seems a week doesn’t goes by without confidential personal information on individuals being leaked by a government department by incompetence. We have even had Cabinet ministers and ministry bosses happy to expose personal details of clients or employees when it serves their purposes. The temptation to use personal information against individuals will always be there.

6. There’s something scary about a politician deciding who gets spied on. When I was a teenager the then-PM Robert Muldoon released a list of his political opponents he said were being investigated by the Secret Intelligence Service. The smear was deliberate. Will a future leader use such information for political ends? You bet.

When civil society is potentially threatened, citizens need to register their concern. Tomorrow at 7pm opponents are meeting at the Auckland Town Hall. Sometimes it’s important to send a message.

(Matt McCarten is National Secretary of Unite Union. His weekly Herald on Sunday column are a commentary on social and political issues in New Zealand. The views expressed are his own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Unite Union.)

PM’s weakness good for Peters

29 Jul

By Matt McCarten

Herald on Sunday, July 28, 2013

New Zealand First leader Winston Peters. Photo / Mark Mitchell

Three politicians had big wins this week.

What was in Prime Minister John Key’s head when he refused to rule out Winston Peters being his main man next year? Maybe all the grovelling to Peter Dunne to get his GCSB bill passed was stressing him out and he wasn’t thinking straight.

In the past two elections, Key promised he would never serve alongside Peters and if his party didn’t back him, he’d resign on principle. Since then his allies’ fortunes have imploded, and our Prime Minister’s steely principles have changed.

Key saying he’s now open to a coalition with NZ First gives Peters the relevance he seeks. Until now, NZ First has been lumped in with Labour and the Greens as a junior player. Can you imagine Peters coping with being junior to a Green, let alone Metiria Turei as deputy Prime Minister? Me neither.

Key’s capitulation means Peters holds the cards as to who will be Prime Minister after next year’s election. Peters also celebrated his party’s 20th birthday this week at his favourite cafe, the infamous Green Parrot.

Do parrots crow?

Hone Harawira didn’t crow but he certainly was strutting his stuff in court all week.

The political classes were spitting at his unparliamentary behaviour in getting arrested with Glen Innes protesters.

Harawira spent the week in the dock after shining his car headlights at women sitting atop local homes to prevent moving trucks dragging them away. Protesters asked Harawira to do that after locals claimed police had assaulted them in the dark during previous melees.

Many readers may doubt that. I believe it because months ago a carload of scared young people turned up one night when I was working late at my office. They claimed they had fled from the Glen Innes housing protests after police assaulted them. Others had been arrested. A young woman showed me bruises and I was shown their car with a smashed window.

Police turned up shortly after and parked outside, and the youngsters were scared to leave my office. When I went outside, the police car drove off. Knowing that, I’d want an MP shining a light on me when protesting house removals at night.

Even though he didn’t have to, the judge let 16 local women tell their story about the evictions. They spoke about losing their homes, where they’d lived for generations, to developers. It’s not ethnic cleansing, but what term should we use when poor brown people are expelled from their homes so mansions can be built for people who are not poor, nor brown?

The chattering classes rail against Harawira being a protester. Really? We forget our history. Almost every Cabinet minister in the first Labour government had served prison time for protesting. Arrests of prominent individuals such as Lucy Lawless, for exposing important issues, should be badges of honour.

Harawira got convicted as expected, and left the court to go straight to Thursday’s anti-GCSB bill rally – where he was treated like a rock star. He told me it was an honour to pay a $500 fine if it highlighted the struggle of the poor that was being ignored. Walking the talk, man.

The other winner this week was Kim Dotcom, who was the star speaker at the anti-GCSB meeting. Hundreds were present, and Bomber Bradbury of The Daily Blog streamed it live to 4500 others.

A TV3 poll released just as the meeting started showed 52 per cent said Dotcom was telling the truth when he said the Prime Minister knew about him earlier than he has been saying. Only 34 per cent believed Key. It’s telling that our clearly miffed Prime Minister sneered that Dotcom was only drawing attention to himself so he wouldn’t get extradited to the US.

Does Dotcom count as a politician, though? Joe Carolan, our premiere protest organiser, quipped that if Dotcom wanted to stay and overturn the GCSB bill he could fund his own Pirate Party. With all the computer geeks and nerds, he’d easily pass the 5 per cent threshold.

Imagine having to negotiate coalition options with parties led by Winston Peters, Hone Harawira and Kim Dotcom. Pundits heads would explode. Remember, you read it here first.

(Matt McCarten is National Secretary of Unite Union. His weekly Herald on Sunday column are a commentary on social and political issues in New Zealand. The views expressed are his own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Unite Union.)

Save your tears, Prime Minister

21 Jul

By Matt McCarten

Herald on Sunday July 21, 2013

So, 29 innocents are dead and entombed at Pike River by the greed and negligence of others, and yet this week police shrug their shoulders and say no charges are to be laid. According to our enforcers in uniform, no one is to blame.

The problem the police have is there are too many guilty ones. There are the millionaire mine owners who have got away scot-free with their loot intact; the management who played roulette with the safety of their workers to please their owners; and the Department of Labour officials who happily drew their salaries while ignoring their duty to protect fellow citizens.

John Key is full of “sympathy” for Pike River victims

The guilty include senior politicians from successive governments who passed the laws and cut budgets that helped create the fatal circumstances.

That is why the enforcers have washed their hands of the whole thing. There are individual culprits but the real problem is that the entire system is to blame.

Owners are protected by corporate entities. Management say they can’t be held responsible as they did their best with what they had. Officials claim they didn’t have the resources to enforce safety. Politicians, naturally, blame each other. Everybody is responsible, so it’s easier to say no one is and sweep it under the carpet – or under the earth, in this case.

Shortly after the disaster, our Prime Minister talked about recovering the bodies and seeking justice for the dead. Parliament adjourned and flew to the West Coast for a national memorial service attended by the mine bosses and politicians, who sat together on the front of the stage dabbing their eyes.

Our Prime Minister led the mourning, vowing to the families of the dead: “We can offer some comfort and support, that’s my role. I’m happy to step up and do that.”

What a difference three years make. The owners remain largely anonymous. The court scolded them for their conduct and demanded they pay $3.4 million to the victims’ families. The owners’ receivers say they aren’t paying this; in all likelihood, even the $1.4 million directly owed to the workers before the disaster isn’t getting paid.

Instead, after Pike River’s receivers paid themselves, they handed the Bank of New Zealand $23.5 million including interest. As secured creditors, Solid Energy got all of its money and Pike River’s main shareholder, Oil and Gas, got most of its money back too. Taxpayers paid millions more to the cops, lawyers, judges and others involved. The victims’ families got virtually nothing.

In similar cases in the United States, the Government stumps up $1.9 million to each family. Key ruled that out. “We have enormous sympathy,” he said, but “we do worry a lot about precedent”.

Our Prime Minister wants to protect a system where financiers get their fill at the trough first and employees’ families last. Instead, the families are consoled by our Prime Minister’s offers of sympathy. Maybe he could get his secretary to send them a card?

(Matt McCarten is National Secretary of Unite Union. His weekly Herald on Sunday column are a commentary on social and political issues in New Zealand. The views expressed are his own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Unite Union.)

No need for casino to gamble

25 Jun

By Matt McCarten

Herald on Sunday Jun 23, 2013


Instead of fewer pokies, poor communities are weighed down under more. Photo / Derek Flynn

I was in an elevator with a senior gambling executive five years ago. It was a few days before John Key ousted Helen Clark’s government.

We chatted about what might happen in the gambling industry if National became government. He surprised me by claiming Key would be Tourism Minister.

My lift companion smiled when I responded that a prime minister doesn’t take on a portfolio traditionally delegated to a junior cabinet minister.

He winked that Key was committed to the “leisure” sector in its broadest sense. A few weeks earlier, a SkyCity senior manager had said something similar about tourism, that it and gambling were bedfellows.

A few days after Key’s election victory party – at the SkyCity casino – the new Prime Minister did, indeed, appoint himself to the post.

It seems gambling bosses do not bet their fortune on chance.

In my view, Key has worked closely with gambling bosses, and the extra pokies-for-a-convention centre deal should have disabused any doubters of that.

But the gutting of Maori Party MP Te Ururoa Flavell’s private member’s bill to control gambling is something even the most optimistic gambling owners could never have expected.

Flavell’s humiliation was compounded by a plaintive plea that anything was better than nothing. I struggle to see what the “anything” he actually got was.

The bill’s original intent was to stop pokie machines raking in cash from poor communities and to give local councils the power to close or downsize pokie venues in those areas. National deleted the proposals from the bill.

Stunningly, National went further and amended the bill to remove the current nine machine maximum for pre-2001 operators. Pokie owners will now be able to provide more gambling at existing venues as well as giving them a commercial advantage over any newcomers.

Flavell’s bid for 80 per cent of pokie profits to be distributed in the communities the money comes from was tossed out too. Money will be taken from poor communities and, as happens now, distributed to wealthier neighbourhoods. As a laughable compromise, National will hope to raise the donations from the current 37 per cent to 40 per cent in two years’ time.

Suggested controls on addictive gamblers have quietly been omitted.

National knows that the Maori Party must do well in the Ikaroa-Rawhiti by-election this Saturday or they are finished. The Maori Party has been left desperately trying to convince Maori voters they aren’t National’s poodles.

Frankly, Flavell would have done more for his leadership ambitions and his party’s electoral chances if he’d publicly told National to shove their amendments. Instead, he has accepted them.

Is it any wonder National will be left with no electoral coalition partners in a year’s time?

By Matt McCarten

(Matt McCarten is National Secretary of Unite Union. His weekly Herald on Sunday column are a commentary on social and political issues in New Zealand. The views expressed are his own and do not necessarily reflect the views of Unite Union.)

Do tax cuts for rich help growth?

27 May

Question 25: The government claims that they need to reduce tax on the rich and companies to boost growth in the economy. What is the record in New Zealand and overseas?

Unfortunately for the government the periods of highest growth in NZ and the USA were associated with higher not lower taxation. The Treasury estimates that the 2010 tax changes will produce a total increase in growth of 1% over 7 years!

As Gordon Campbell explained in his May 18, 2010, Scoop column:

“When asked by Scoop at post-Cabinet press conference on May 17 to name a couple of countries where tax cuts had resulted in economic growth, Prime Minister John Key cited the United States. Surprising, given that

“(a) over half of the benefits from the Bush tax cut programme have accrued to only five per cent of the population, http://www.ctj.org/pdf/bushtaxcutsvshealthcare.pdf
“(b) they cost more than the health reforms enacted by Barack Obama and
“(c) since they were deficit financed, the Bush tax cuts have also added a huge $379 billion bill in interest payments to their initial $2.11 trillion in revenue foregone.

“More to the point, the Bush tax cuts did not result in economic growth. For wider yet related reasons, the Bush era ended in the worst recession in decades. As New Zealand’s own recent history has also shown, there is no causal link between tax cut programmes that disproportionately benefit the wealthy, and economic growth. At best, such tax cuts appear to trigger only brief, import-driven retail binges that drive up inflation – what we get in tax cuts, we pay for soon after in higher interest rates – and leave us with a worse current account deficit.”

A similar point is made in more detail by CTU Secretary Peter Conway in a pre-budget address to the Fabian Society on May 12, 2010 (Peter Conway: “Tax: A Budget preview”)

“Slemrod and Bakija(1) examine the relationship between the marginal income tax rate and productivity in the USA. They found that from 1950 to 2002, periods of strong productivity growth actually occurred when the top tax rates were the highest and, on average, high-tax countries were the most affluent countries.

“Also in the USA, in a study looking at the effect of tax cuts in 2001, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities noted that in 1993 the US increased the top marginal tax rate from 31% to 39.6%. But this did not damage growth. In fact the economy experienced its longest economic expansion in history during the 1990s. Real GDP grew by an average of 4% a year from 1993 through to 2000, almost 50% faster than the average from 1973 to 1993.

“Despite major tax cuts in 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, and 2006, the economy’s performance between 2001 and 2007 was far from stellar. Growth rates of GDP, investment, and other key economic indicators during the 2001-2007 expansion were below the average for other post-World War II economic expansions.

“In New Zealand, the average annual growth rate in the five years before the 2000 increase in the top tax rate was 1.9% whereas in the five years after the increase in tax it was 3.52%.

“Economic growth in the period after the major 1986 reductions in personal and company taxes was not impressive. Essentially it flat-lined.

“In the 1984-92 period our average annual growth rate in real per capita GDP was 0.4% compared with 3.02% in Australia and even when the growth rate recovered from 1992 to 1998, the average annual rate was 3.3% compared with 4.24% in Australia.

“The graph below essentially tells the story before and after the 1986 changes. It is as depicted by Paul Dalziel(2) using quarterly seasonally adjusted real Gross Domestic Product for Australia and New Zealand between 1977 and 1998, scaled so that the average value for the calendar year of 1984 equals 100.

Graph 14

“I have added a vertical line showing the timing of the huge cuts from 66 and 48 cents to 33 cents for both the top personal and company tax rate. (See Graph 14)

“These statistical juxtapositions do not show anything particularly useful and five years is not a long period in terms of a lagged effect on economic growth. I would not argue these figures prove that lower tax harms economic growth. But they at least show that tax cannot be a major factor compared with other significant influences on economic growth. Surely if after a massive cut in both income and company taxes in 1986 we see no evidence of an impact on economic growth, that particular line of argument should be abandoned by its proponents. And if we see a growth rate in the five years after an increase in the top tax rate in 2000 that is almost double that of the average rate for the five years before the cut, again it is hard to see a growth dividend. But we all know that lots of other things are affecting those numbers. That’s the point.”

(1) Joel Slemrod and Jon Bakija (2008). Taxing Ourselves: A Citizen’s Guide to the Debate over Taxes, 4th edition.

(2) Dalziel, Paul. (2000) New Zealand’s Economic Reform Programme was a Failure, Department of Economics and Marketing Canterbury, New Zealand.

(Part of a series of extracts from “Exposing Right Wing Lies” by Mike Treen, Unite National Director)